Poonam Sharma
In the backdrop of India’s democratic structure, in which government is supposed to be the people’s watchdog, West Bengal has once again become a stage for pre-planned pandemonium. The latest wave of communal unrest in districts such as South 24 Parganas, Hooghly, and Malda is not an unfortunate exception — it is a reflection of longstanding political indifference, willful blindness, and an ill-fated appeasement policy that has let this restlessness spread its roots.
At the center of the crisis lies a harsh reality: the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress (TMC) regime has not only failed to contain the situation — it has been party to the creation of an environment where lawlessness prevails and accountability does not exist.
What was a protest over a central amendment — ironically, one which the TMC never actually claimed to have written — has snowballed into an out-and-out communal riot. But this is no sudden revolt. Accounts on the ground and video doing the rounds on social media platforms indicate a pattern: one-way assaults, selective targeting of Hindus, selective silence by the ruling party, and police forces who run away or collapse.
More than 110 individuals have been detained, Bengal Police has stated. But even that number leaves more questions than answers. Who are they? What groups do they represent? Why is the state machinery unwilling to identify the violence for what it is — a communal pogrom masquerading as protest?
This is not secularism. This is calculated blindness it is the Vanishing Act of Governance
While guns blazed through several districts, Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee went onto X (formerly Twitter) with a generic plea for peace, to “all religions.” A noble gesture on the face of it — until one understands that only one community is protesting, and only one community is bleeding.
What was conspicuously lacking in her message was responsibility. Nowhere did she take note of the administrative failures. Nowhere did she reassure the victims. Her words were sanitized, her tone was dismissive — almost as if the violence was a nuisance rather than a crisis.
Meanwhile, the Left has discovered a new voice. Long inactive, now revitalized, they have opportunistically clung to the narrative, calling the unrest “communal” and “anti-people” — but only to gain brownie points over both BJP and TMC. The reality, however, is greater than their slogans: this violence is organized, one-sided, and state-enabled.
A Tale of Two States Compare with BJP-ruled Tripura, where the same unrest erupted but was suppressed in minutes. Police acted there. The state asserted itself. Police in Bengal fled for cover. Footage of cops fleeing, being thrashed, and humiliated has gone viral. The picture of the state — literally — collapsing under its own weight now finds place in public memory.
Why the disparity? Governance.The Centre, in the name of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Home Minister Amit Shah, is also said to be getting direct updates on the situation in Bengal. CRPF personnel have already been deployed and will be deployed more. But here is the question: can the Centre act in BJP-ruled states without being charged with authoritarianism? Should the Centre impose President’s Rule?
Most in the BJP fold are reluctant. The Constitution permits it under some provisions, but politically, it’s a touchy step. Critics would call it undemocratic. But to do nothing is worse. As one BJP leader wisely put it, “There is a difference between action and overreaction. We must act, but act smart.”
What is most disturbing is the selective outrage of India’s intelligentsia. Sagarika Ghose and liberal commentators are more disturbed by Karni Sena protests — although Karni Sena was a Congress ally in 2024 — than over Hindu shops being looted and torched in Bengal.
Because outrage in India has become transactional. The media, the influencers, and even sections of the judiciary have decided which victims deserve justice. The reports of the NHRC collect dust. Supreme Court finds no urgency. The police’s own words are disregarded.
Even among Hindus, a new class of intellectuals has been formed — super-purist, super-woke — bashing Modi for falling short on 100% of what was promised. But when 80% is obtained, should we not acknowledge the achievement? Must we always seek the missing 20% and overlook the grand triumph?
In the midst of this political silence, Suvendu Adhikari — Leader of Opposition in Bengal — is one of the few leaders to have actively intervened in the situation. He has met victims, conducted ground-level meetings, and made stern comments questioning Mamata Banerjee’s leadership. His social media posts not only show outrage but also documentation of the violence — something the mainstream media has happily avoided.
BJP’s central leadership is also increasing efforts, though with caution. They are aware that blunders at this moment may mean perceptions of communal polarization. But they also understand that inaction is not possible. The next few days are likely to witness greater central forces in the field and more political heat on Mamata Banerjee’s government.
This is not merely a law-and-order failure. It is an attack on leadership, a breakdown of secularism, and a default on constitutional obligation. Mamata Banerjee, once the giant slayer of Bengal politics, now presides over a state that is creeping towards anarchy.
The violence is not only a warning signal — it is a test. A test for the Indian state, for federalism, and for democracy.
Will the Centre act firmly but constitutionally?
Will the judiciary wake up?
Will the media discover its conscience?
And above all, will Bengal find its peace — or will it be sacrificed again on the altar of vote-bank politics?
West Bengal is at a juncture today. The fires in Malda and Murshidabad aren’t about amendments and agitations. They are about a more profound rot that has infested the state’s political and administrative conscience. The era of euphemisms is past. This isn’t a protest. This is planned violence — and the Mamata Banerjee government cannot be let off the hook.
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